The lack of Kurdish solidarity with the Green Movement is a fatal miscalculation. Of course, the distance the Kurds have taken from the movement is understandable given their view of the leaders of the Green Movement and their experiences at their hands. The Kurds saw the slowness with which Green Movement leaders responded to the execution of four Kurds on May 9, 2010. The Kurds have had their hopes raised and dashed before.
Yet despite all this, if we consider Iran’s condition after the birth of Green Movement as the initial stage in the formation of a “democratic Iran,” then it makes sense for the Kurds to join the movement. Not just, for it is in the interest of the Kurds to stress clearly their relationship with the Green Movement by engaging in a “common political discourse.” This is immensely important for a number of reasons:
1-Although the Kurds’ “identity” is rooted in ancient Iran and its associated mythology, “the Kurdish problem” is a recent phenomenon and is confined to the contemporary era. The part of Kurdistan that has been separated from Iran is divided among Turkey, Iraq and Syria on today’s geographical map (2). After the division of Kurdistan and the formation of nation-states, the Kurdish national movement continued its resistance in reaction to the discriminatory treatment of the regimes that control the countries in which the Kurds reside. In fact, this movement can be considered one of the oldest in the Middle East. The lack of recognition of a Kurdish national and racial identity and the efforts to oppress their natural tendency for solidarity with one another are other reasons why this movement has endured. The objectives of this movement (participation in political power, economic development and acquisition of equal status) have not been achieved anywhere except in Iraqi Kurdistan, where, after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, it became part of a federal system. Even the occurrence of two world wars and a number of large scale wars in the region, despite affecting the lives and environment of Kurds, has not improved this situation. Nevertheless, this movement, especially in Iran, still possesses a “tremendous potential” to advance its national demands. The global discourse has shifted towards peace and legal equality and the increasing attention of powerful countries to “the Kurdish problem” has created an exceptional opportunity for “the proponents of the Kurdish National Movement.”
2-It seems that the continued armed struggle between Kurdish political forces and Iran’s central government since 1979, more than anything else, has resulted from a lack of clear insight into the conditions and ill-timed demands by some of the movements that have defended the rights of Kurds. In addition, Iran’s revolutionary regime has raised barriers against democracy and economic development. The slogan of democracy for Iran has now been put forward as the precondition for the existence of a self-governing Kurdistan. The insistence on armed struggle as the sole method for solving “the Kurdish problem” in the tempestuous atmosphere of the 1980s, which also became the Kurds’ dominant discourse, was a costly blunder (of course, the idea that the Kurds do not think of any other solution but violent ones was somehow concocted by the regime). By accusing the Kurds of separatism, the revolutionary regime not only prepared the situation for a bloody repression in Kurdistan, it also succeeded in justifying the barbaric oppression of freedom-seeking demands in other parts of Iran. In this way, the regime was able to consolidate dictatorship and legitimize oppression for many years to come. Relying on this experience, the Islamic Republic may once again try to exploit the potential for intensified violence in Kurdistan—which will lead to the radicalization of the entire country—in order to hamper the process of democratization. That is why the Kurds’ increasing support for the Green Movement can effectively thwart this plot.
3-The inadequate knowledge and, at times, complete ignorance of world (and Iranian) public opinion of “the Kurds’ plight” is one of the major obstacles that can harm the Kurdish national movement. This problem is not confined to ordinary citizens but even shapes the perspective of many political experts and non-Kurdish parties and movements. Iranians lack a clear understanding of the demands of the Kurdish people. Not only has the Islamic Republic employed incessant lies and propaganda to create a negative image in the minds of Iranians about the legitimate and legal demands of the Kurdish people, it has also distorted the reality of the Kurdish national movement among the Kurds themselves. For example, in the early days of revolution, not only did the regime portray parties such as the Komeleh (The Kurdistan Organization of the Communist Party of Iran) and the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan as the enemies of religion, it also aggrandized the unreal threat of separatism that these parties supposedly posed. This misrepresentation played a significant role in the armed confrontation between segments of the Kurdish population and these movements, a bloodshed that still continues by pitting brothers against brothers. Paying attention to this issue from the standpoint of pathology is instrumental in drawing attention to “the Kurdish problem” and stopping the animosity and violence among the Kurds.
4-Unfortunately, before and after the revolution, any demand for national rights or assertion of [ethnic] identity has been misinterpreted as separatism. By exaggerating the danger to national security, the Islamic Republic has responded to peaceful demands for an end to discrimination and injustice, the establishment of equal status, and serious participation in power, with naked violence. In fact, a segment of political and academic elites bluntly endorse this violence. They seem to think that by ignoring the existing problem and approving of violent oppression, the Islamic Republic can reinforce national solidarity. However, the Kurds’ nationalist sentiments are rooted in their history, culture and language. The regime has always assumed that by repressing and discriminating against various Iranian ethnicities, it can make the ethnic problem go away. However, this misguided policy has clearly failed. We can even confidently claim that this unwise approach has been the main cause for the emergence and growth of separatist tendencies in Iran in the last one hundred years.
Nonetheless, broad cultural work on concepts such as federalism is extremely vital at this point. Such work can demonstrate that federalism, as a framework for peaceful co-existence in today’s world, has not only preserved the territorial integrity of countries but has also contributed to the realization of a better and more comfortable life for people. We can even point to the fact that before the takeover of the Qajar dynasty, Iran used to be administered as a federal system with self-governing local governments. That is why it possessed a much stronger sense of unity and solidarity in those times. Federalism can be very effective in creating mutual trust, building capacity, and solidifying the culture of democracy.
Therefore given the emergence of the Green Movement, it is a mistake for the Kurds to be distant from the Green Movement. The consequences could be that bitter past experiences will be repeated and the Kurds will lag behind future developments. Unlike thirty-one years ago, when people only sought the Shah’s downfall, people now have a clear idea of what “type of government” they want and have referenced democracy slogans used by the Kurds thirty years ago as a guideline. At the present, the Green Movement urgently requires the participation of all Iranian people, including the Kurds, Turks, Baluchis, Arabs and Farsi-speaking citizens, in order to deepen and broaden its scope. The realization of the objectives of Green Movement depends on the participation of Iranian society in its entirety. Broad participation in the formation of a democratic Iran is the most logical, least costly and most productive solution to “the Kurdish problem.” It is an important issue that should not be neglected in any way by the Kurdish parties, movements or people.
On the other hand, the Green Movement should pay attention to the potential that exist in other movements, including ethnic movements. They must establish trust by using an agenda that includes the demands of genuine movements in order to achieve a common discourse with them. By supporting and uniting all movements, this process can transform the Green Movement into a bed for common praxis for the development of Iranian society and transition to democracy.
1-In 1925, after a coup d’état, Reza Khan established the Pahlavi monarchy by toppling the Qajar dynasty.
2-After the people’s victory in the 1978 revolution, the governing system of Iran became the Islamic Republic.
3-“The History of Kurds.” Wikipedia, Farsi.
4-Saeed Hajarian, two Weekly “Rojhelat,” new volume, Pre-Issue 1.